II
 
The Prime Minister's Economic Advisory Council (PMEAC) in its recent report has put forward an argument which is slightly different from the one presented above, though belonging to the same genre. This argument states: "The consequences of a high fiscal deficit depend upon the way the deficit is financed." If the deficit is financed by monetisation, and if this monetisation is "excessive", then this leads to domestic inflationary pressure, whose "impact is the highest on the poor." On the other hand if the deficit is financed by "borrowing in domestic financial markets" then "the result is that real interest rates become very high" which chokes off private investment.
 
The PMEAC's argument is different from the one presented above because it does not assert that an increase in real interest rates is the inevitable consequence of a rise in the fiscal deficit; the consequence according to it depends on how the deficit is financed. But this proposition, namely that the consequences of a fiscal deficit are determined by how it is financed, flies in the face of elementary economics, as can be seen from simple IS-LM analysis.
 
Consider the first case mentioned by the PMEAC, the case of monetisation. Even if the deficit is financed by monetisation which adds to bank reserves, this need not cause an inflationary squeeze on the poor as long as the real economy is demand-constrained to start with, and the deficit is not large enough to cause it to become supply-constrained [1] . (Moreover when bank reserves are being added to, it is not even clear why the deficit should be "financed largely by monetisation" as the PMEAC report assumes rather arbitrarily). On the other hand suppose the entire deficit is completely monetised. If the value of the Keynesian multiplier (at unchanged interest rates) is higher than the value of the money multiplier times the income velocity of circulation of money (also at unchanged interest rates), there would be an excess demand for money that would push up the interest rates, even though the fiscal deficit had been entirely monetised! In other words the proposition that when the fiscal deficit is monetised it affects not the interest rates but only prices relative to money wages is doubly wrong: there is no necessary reason why it should at all affect prices, and there is no necessary reason why it should not at all affect the interest rates.
 
Now consider the second case, where there is no monetisation. Even if the deficit is financed entirely by "borrowing in the domestic financial market", it need not raise the interest rate at all if banks had excess reserves to start with. On the other hand if the fiscal deficit so financed occurs in a real economy which is supply-constrained to start with, then it raises prices in terms of the wage-unit, thereby imposing an inflationary squeeze on the poor. Thus the PMEAC's second case which is supposed to show that a fiscal deficit financed by market borrowing as opposed to monetisation causes a rise in interest rates rather than in prices in terms of the wage-unit is also doubly wrong: there is no necessary reason why it should at all affect the interest rates, and there is no necessary reason why it should not at all affect prices.
 
There are two quite distinct errors underlying the argument of the PMEAC report. First, as simple IS-LM analysis would show, it is not how the fiscal deficit is financed that matters but the state of ex-ante excess demand in the goods and the money markets with which we start and how these are affected by the fiscal deficit. Second, again as simple IS-LM analysis would show, a rise in the fiscal deficit would raise prices in wage units (whether or not it raises interest rates) only if the economy is supply-constrained to start with, and would raise interest rates (whether or not it raises prices in wage-units) only if bank credit is supply-constrained to start with. This latter situation in turn cannot arise if banks have excess reserves (for a given stock of reserve money), or, alternatively, if the stock of reserve money itself can adjust to the demand for it. Thus the argument of the PMEAC report must necessarily be assuming (though this is nowhere explicitly stated) both that the real economy is supply-constrained and that bank credit is supply-constrained. Both these assumptions are palpably wrong in the context of the Indian economy today. Let us see how.

[1] Of course even in a demand-constrained system an increase in aggregate demand, while generating larger employment and output, might cause some increase in the price in terms of the wage-unit, owing to (possibly) increasing marginal costs. But this surely is not what the PMEAC is referring to, for otherwise even getting out of a slump would be dubbed "anti-poor". Its notion of "inflation" clearly refers to a state of affairs where it is only price adjustments that occur.

 
 

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