The experience of Europe
has been special, inasmuch as it had to face up to two compelling
circumstances during these years: German unification and preparations
for monetary union. This compelled government to hold expenditures
firm. Since 1993 the fiscal deficit in EU has fallen continuously
from 6 per cent of GDP to touch 1.1 per cent in 1999. Part of the
reason was the need to keep the current account deficit from rising
beyond a level that violated the conditions set for the realisation
of monetary union. However, this involved a cost. Fluctuations in
the fiscal deficit below the self-imposed ceiling obviously proved
inadequate to prevent the steep and consistent rise in unemployment
that the region has been witnessing.
As compared with the
EU, Japan was not constrained by its current account at all, having
notched up huge surpluses right through the 1990s. It was this factor
that allowed Japan the freedom to experiment with periodic bouts of
fiscal pump-priming, which took its fiscal deficit from 1.5 per cent
of GDP in 1992 to 5.9 per cent in 1999. If despite this the strong
recovery of 1996 in Japan was aborted, the reason lies in the currency
crisis in East Asia and the inability of Japan to help moderate its
consequences for output and trade growth in the region. Being far
more dependent on East Asian markets than the US or Germany, the impact
of the crisis on Japan has been sharp enough to stall the recovery
the Japanese government had managed to engineer in 1996.
The Asian crisis did
not matter as much to the US, since the transformation of the budget
deficit into a surplus has been accompanied by a sharp rise in consumption
expenditure. Given the large direct and indirect (through pension
funds, for example) investments of personal savings in equity in the
US, the stock market boom enhanced the wealth of American citizens,
reducing incentives to save. The net result has been a sharp increase
in private consumption expenditure and a collapse of private savings
in the US. Personal savings as a percentage of disposable personal
income in the US fell from 1.2 per cent in 1997 to 0.5 per cent in
1998, turned negative in the first quarter of 1999 and touched a remarkably
high negative level of 1.3 per cent in the second quarter ending June
1999.
Most observers trace
this low rate of savings, to the fact that the rising value of their
financial assets, encouraged households to save less and borrow more,
since they were convinced that the value of their past savings was
more than adequate to finance their future requirements. Thus the
role of financial asset inflation in sustaining high consumption was
crucial. In 1997, household equity holdings were 143 per cent of disposable
income in the US, up from an average of around 50 per cent in the
early 1980s. It should be obvious that, in time, the consumption-led
boom in the US would spill over into the world economy. That this
has been occurring is clear from trends in the deficit in the trade
in goods and services on the US balance of payments. That deficit
has risen more than seven-fold from $37 billion in 1992 to $267.6
billion in 1999 (Chart 7). This magnitude of increase in the trade
deficit accounts for almost 80 per cent of the increase in the current
account deficit in the US balance of payments from $50.6 billion to
$338.9 billion (Chart 8) during this period. This rising deficit did
not matter for long, since capital inflows more than neutralised the
effects such a deficit can have on the value of the dollar. Not only
did money flow into US equity, but outstanding amounts of international
debt securities originating in the US rose sharply to $946 billion
at the end of the first quarter of 1999.
Chart 7 >>
Chart 8 >>
Unfortunately, the
burgeoning deficit, which necessitates capital flows in the first
place, could undermine confidence in the dollar. To boot, the recent
speculative rush into US stock markets, led by unwarranted optimism
regarding the future of "high technology" companies and
their stocks, is now losing momentum. These developments have two
implications. First there is a real danger that the one-way flow of
money, which helped America flourish while other advanced nations
languished or grew slowly would come to an end. This could aggravate
the fall in stock markets currently led by disillusionment with hi-tech
stocks. Second, the consumption boom led by the wealth effect could
collapse. As the market decline wipes out illusory wealth, there could
be an abrupt adjustment in the household savings rate from its current
historic low which could massively squeeze consumption demand. This
would mean that the only source of stimulus in the global economy
today could be dampened, turning a process of slow growth into recession.
The era of high growth and large current account deficits could come
to an end. That prognosis is now a real possibility, though developed
country governments and the international financial institutions are
pinning their hope on a "soft-landing" in the US. Whatever
the actual outcome, there is a strong possibility that the world may
witness a return to an era of synchronised sluggishness or recession
at its developed core. The confidence exuded at the top could thus
be misleading complacence. |