In an effort to convey the
message that it is a government committed to accelerating reform, the NDA
government has, on February 5, chosen to simultaneously announce a broad
set of policy changes covering diverse areas of the economy. The measures
were a motley combination of more privatization of large PSUs, a
cost-cutting voluntary retirement scheme (VRS), further liberalization of
the food grain trade, and moves to dilute price control in the case of a
number of commodities, notably sugar and pharmaceuticals. The synchronized
announcement of these measures suggest that they are not just significant
in themselves, but noteworthy because they were announced simultaneously.
The intent, it appears, was to make "economic reform" the focus of the
February thrust.
In fact, many of the new
measures constitute marginal adjustments in areas where liberalisation has
already been the norm. Take the area of foodgrain trade, for example,
where it has been decided to remove all restrictions on movement of
foodgrains, edible oils and sugar and to completely decontrol the sugar
industry after operationalising futures trading. These measures were
provided for in last year's budget speech itself, when the Finance
Minister had declared that his government intends to "review the operation
of the Essential Commodities Act (ECA), 1955 and remove many of the
restrictions that have been imposed on the free inter-State movement of
foodgrains and agricultural produce and also on the storage and stocking
of such commodities." He had also said that the government would "review
the list of commodities declared as essential under the said Act and bring
their number down to the minimum required." The February 5 announcement by
removing 12 of the 29 items covered by the ECA merely begins implementing
a decision announced in last year's budget speech.
Even at the time of the
last budget, the government was emboldened to announce these measures
largely because in the case of many commodities covered by the ECA,
capacity expansion or supply increases accompanied by sluggish demand had
resulted in unutilized capacities or large stocks. Unless the demand
situation changes substantially and supply fails to respond, as is indeed
quite possible in areas like food grain and sugar, the controls had no
major role to play. And even if that were to occur, other elements of the
process of liberalization were rendering control meaningless. Thus, import
liberalization was contributing to easing domestic supply constraints,
since commodities in short supply could be easily accessed from abroad,
even if with adverse consequences for indigenous production. And the
gradual erosion of the importance of the public distribution system, in
the name of limiting subsidies, was reducing the need of the government
for guaranteed access to a minimum amount of a commodity like sugar for
servicing the PDS.
This is not to say that
this round of decontrol is not without significance. The removal of an
additional 36 bulk drugs from the list of those 74 whose prices are
controlled would result in a substantial increase in drug prices, as past
experience with such initiatives amply illustrates. According to reports,
an ORG-MARG Survey of 270 drugs decontrolled in an earlier round in 1995
found that around 45 per cent of them have registered a 20 per cent
increase in price, while the prices of another 5 per cent had risen by 40
per cent.
Similarly, the decision to
remove quantitative restrictions on the export of wheat, wheat products,
non-basmati rice, coarse grains and pulses can, if international prices
rise and domestic supply falls, have major implications for the quantum
and cost of domestic availability and therefore for food security. These
measures are clearly driven by the "confidence" generated by a food
surplus that results from consecutive good harvests and depressed domestic
demand. But in an area where production tends to be volatile and acreage
shifts are the norm, the basis for such confidence can be short-lived.
These likely or possible
consequences notwithstanding, all of these measures are part of processes
that have been afoot for quite some time now. Hence, though important in
themselves, the real explanation of the timing of further advance in those
directions lies in two other measures which the government has announced:
the VRS scheme for surplus government employees and the announcement of
the strategic sale of VSNL and four hotels owned by the ITDC and the Hotel
Corporation of India. It is indeed true that even these two initiatives
announced early February are part of processes that have been underway for
quite some time. Privatization has been on the agenda of Central
governments ever since the beginning of accelerated reform in the early
1990s, though the present government has been desperate in recent months
to speed up the process. And the plan to reduce the Central government's
workforce, by combining a carrot and stick policy has been in the air
since the submission of the report of the Expenditure Reforms Commission.
However, unlike the other
measures discussed these two are directly related to the budget, as a
precursor to which the package being discussed was announced. Recent
budgets have made clear that the government has failed to achieve it's own
self-imposed, and often irrational, targets regarding fiscal deficit
reduction, because of the tax concessions it has provided as part of
economic ‘reform'. This makes some show of expenditure reduction
imperative, if it's oft-repeated commitment to ‘fiscal reform' is to
remain credible. The Finance Minister had indeed committed himself to
reducing the number of employees in government by limiting recruitment and
exploiting attrition, in his budget speech for 2001-02. With attrition in
the government establishment placed at 3 per cent of the current labour
force, he promised to reduce employment in government establishments by 2
per cent a year by keeping new recruitment to 1 per cent of the current
labour force. If this is done over the next five years, as he claimed it
would, government would be downsized by 10 per cent of current employment,
which was the goal he set himself.