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The
Burden of Farmers' Debt |
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Sep
14th 2005, C.P. Chandrasekhar and Jayati Ghosh |
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The
agrarian crisis that has rampaged through rural India
for the past few years has been associated very clearly
with a rising burden of indebtedness among farmers.
The inability to repay past debt - and therefore to
access fresh loans - has been widely accepted as the
most significant proximate cause of the farmers' suicides
that were so widespread in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka,
and are apparently continuing in areas as far apart
as Wayanad in Kerala, Vidarbha in Maharashtra and some
areas of Punjab and Rajasthan.
Despite this, apart from reports
from the field by some persistent journalists and other
observers, there has been nothing in the shape of aggregate
data that would provide some estimate of the actual
extent of rural indebtedness. These reports have suggested
that the decline in access to institutional credit has
driven more farmers back to potentially more exploitative
usurious relations with traditional moneylenders or
input dealers. Repayment problems, resulting from the
greater difficulties of cultivation because of rising
input prices and volatile output prices, have been compounded
by the higher interest rates charged by these informal
sources.
Until recently, however, there has been no way of verifying
these perceptions on the basis of a large dataset based
on information garnered from across the country. Therefore,
the recent report of the National Sample Survey, based
on the 59th Round Survey conducted in 2003, is particularly
important, since it provides the first systematic evidence
since 1992, on the causes, extent and sources of farmers'
debt.
This is part of a series of reports based on the Situation
Assessment of Farmers, which covered the educational
level of farmer households; level of living as measured
by consumer expenditure, income, productive assets and
indebtedness; their farming practices and preferences;
resource availability; awareness and access to technological
developments etc. The survey was conducted only in the
rural sector of the country over January to December
2003. In all 51,770 households spread over 6,638 villages
were surveyed in the Central sample. The survey did
not cover landless workers.
As expected, the extent of farmers' indebtedness emerges
as very substantial. As Chart 1 indicates, nearly half
(48.6 per cent) of farmers households were reported
to be indebted. This is clearly a very substantial extent
of recorded debt, and also represents a substantial
increase over time. A similar survey by the NSS relating
to 1991 found indebtedness among only 26 per cent of
farmers.
The incidence of indebtedness was the highest in Andhra
Pradesh, where more than four-fifths of surveyed farmers
were in debt, followed by Tamil Nadu with nearly three-fourths
of farm households reporting indebtedness. In Punjab,
Kerala and Karnataka the proportion was nearly two-thirds,
and in Maharashtra, Haryana, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya
Pradesh and West Bengal more than half of the farmers
surveyed were in debt. It is worth noting that some
of the states where the agrarian distress is reported
to be especially severe, such as Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka,
Maharashtra, Punjab and Rajasthan, are also those which
report high levels of indebtedness.
Chart
1 >>
The
proportion of indebted households appeared to be around
the same, which is between 48 and 52 per cent of households,
across cultivating households as well as those who received
income from related activities such as animal husbandry,
poultry and fishery, and management of orchard crops.
It is significant that the dominant
cause for taking loans was found to be for productive
purposes. Chart 2 provides this information, and shows
that the two most important purposes of taking loans
were stated to be ''capital expenditure in farm business''
and ''current expenditure in farm business'. At the all-India
level, out of every 1000 rupees taken as loan, 584 rupees
had been borrowed for these two purposes taken together.
Chart
2 >>
The highest such proportion was in Maharashtra, where
75.4 per cent of loans were taken for the purposes of
productive investment on farms, whether in the form
of capital or current expenditure, followed by Karnataka
with 68.2 per cent. In Punjab, Andhra Pradesh and Uttar
Pradesh the proportion exceeded 60 per cent of the total
amount of loans. As such, this shift towards more emphasis
on more productive loans would appear to be desirable,
but the problem in the recent past has been that even
such loans have been difficult to repay because of changes
in production conditions, leading to a vicious cycle
of indebtedness. So cultivation itself has become less
economically viable over time.
The next important purpose of taking
loans was for spending on ''marriages and ceremonies'',
which however accounted for a much smaller proportion
of total loans, at around 11 per cent. This purpose
was most important for farmer households of Bihar (22.9
per cent) followed by those in Rajasthan (17.6 per cent).
This is relatively small and certainly runs counter
to any perception that such unproductive expenditure
is the dominant cause of farmers' indebtedness.
A more worrying aspect that emerges is the significance
of pure consumption loans - these accounted for 8.8
per cent of all amounts borrowed by farmers at the all-India
level, and as much as 13.8 per cent in Rajasthan. The
persistence of such consumption loans is a sad comment
indeed on the viability of cultivation, and on the lack
of progress in improving basic survival conditions of
agriculturalist families.
Chart
3 >>
A question of great interest relates to the source of
loans. The basic purpose of bank nationalisation and
the focus on agricultural credit co-operatives was to
extend the reach of institutional credit, so as to weaken
the stranglehold of traditional moneylenders and thereby
ease the credit conditions facing ordinary peasants.
However, financial liberalisation policies from 1992
have led to the progressive weakening of ''priority''
lending to agriculture and a substantial decline in
the extension of institutional credit to cultivators
per capita or in terms of production costs.
The consequence of this is evident
in Chart 3, from which it is clear that moneylenders
have emerged as the most significant source of credit
for farmers, with 29 per cent accessing this source.
The influence of moneylenders appears to be especially
strong in Bihar (44 per cent) and Rajasthan (40 per
cent). Traders - of both inputs and outputs - also have
provided loans to 12 per cent of indebted farmers. However,
institutional sources still remain significant, with
more than half of farmers accessing government, co-operative
societies and banks taken together.
The other striking feature that emerges from the survey
is how widespread indebtedness is across size classes
of farmers. Table 1 indicates, as expected, that the
average amount of the outstanding loan increases with
the size of the land holding, but what is more interesting
is that the proportion of indebted farmers also increases
with the size class. Further, even among very small
and marginal farmers, the amount of outstanding loan
is substantial, given the likely low incomes from such
small holdings, which suggests some sort of cumulative
process leading to a debt trap for the very resource
poor cultivators.
Table
1 >>
Clearly, the rural debt situation, especially for cultivators,
is grim, and requires urgent policy attention. A beginning
has been made by the UPA government in terms of increasing
the provision of institutional credit to farmers, but
as this brief discussion has shown, that is only a part
of the problem. To rescue farmers from debt traps that
have come about because they have taken production loans,
it is necessary to confront the problems currently afflicting
the viability of cultivation.
The problem
of agricultural indebtedness is intimately linked with
issues of undesirable input use, constantly increasing
input costs, volatile crop prices and difficulties in
accessing markets. Therefore, it is to these aspects
of production conditions in agriculture that policy
intervention must now be directed.
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