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Agrarian
crisis in Andhra Pradesh |
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Oct
4th
2004, Jayati
Ghosh and C.P. Chandrasekhar |
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The
extreme agrarian distress in Andhra Pradesh achieved
national prominence when it resulted in the dramatic
increase in suicides by farmers in the region. These
have occurred in substantial numbers for around seven
years now, but the causes leading to such desperation
have been documented by some sensitive journalists and
local activists in the state relatively recently.
The
new government in the state - which came to power essentially
because its leaders showed themselves to be aware of
the severity of the problems in the countryside - has
therefore made agricultural regeneration the most important
priority. It is becoming increasingly evident that the
difficulties confronting agriculture in Andhra Pradesh
are complex and multifarious, and will in fact require
a complete reversal of the earlier economic strategy
followed in the state, if these problems are to be adequately
addressed.
But the past experience in Andhra Pradesh deserves even
greater national attention. This is because what has
already happened in very acute form in this state is
occurring in many (even most) other parts of rural India.
Even the same symptoms - farmers' suicides, hunger deaths
in the midst of production surpluses, distress migration
under stark conditions - are exhibiting themselves in
regions as disparate as Vidarbha in Maharashtra and
southwestern Rajasthan. The causes, also, are broadly
the same, with the shift towards increasingly unreliable
cash crops, the decline in institutional credit, the
problems with input supplies and crop marketing, and
the lack of alternative non-agricultural income opportunities,
all contributing to the generalised agrarian crisis.
Of course, what has happened in rural Andhra Pradesh
has been particularly severe. The state of Andhra Pradesh
had become almost a laboratory for every extreme form
of neoliberal economic experiment, with a massive shift
towards relying on incentives for private agents as
opposed to state intervention and regulation of private
activity, in virtually all areas. Ironically, this decline
in the state's role took place at the same time that
the state government was incurring massive external
debts from bilateral and multilateral external agencies.
Many of the problems in the economy of the state - in
agriculture as well as in non-agriculture - can be traced
to this reduction of the government's positive role
and the collapse of a wide range of public institutions
affecting the conditions facing producers.
Take the problem of farmers' suicides, which are probably
the most dramatic sign of extreme despair and hopelessness,
and close to starvation deaths as the most blatant indicator
of the extent of rural devastation. The proximate cause
of such suicides is usually the inability to cope with
the burden of debt, which farmers find themselves unable
to repay. In most (but not all) cases, the debt was
contracted to private moneylenders, as the massive decline
in agricultural credit from banks and co-operatives
has reduced access especially of small cultivators to
institutional credit.
But the debt burden itself is only a symptom of the
wider malaise. Cultivation itself has become less and
less viable over time, as input prices in Andhra Pradesh
especially have sky-rocketed, and farmers have gone
in for cash crops with uncertain harvests and even more
uncertain output markets. The opening up of agricultural
trade has forced farmers to cope with the vagaries and
volatility of international market prices, even while
the most minimal protection earlier afforded to cultivators
has been removed.
Public agricultural extension services have all but
disappeared, leaving farmers to the mercy of private
dealers of seed and other inputs such as fertiliser
and pesticides who function without adequate regulation,
creating problems of wrong crop choices, excessively
high input prices, spurious inputs and extortion. Public
crop marketing services have also declined in spread
and scope, and marketing margins imposed by private
traders have therefore increased. All this happened
over a period when farmers were actively encouraged
to shift to cash crops, away from subsistence crops
which involved less monetised inputs and could ensure
at least consumption survival of peasant households.
The crisis in water and irrigation sources can also
be traced to these cultivation patterns. Over-use of
groundwater - once again resulting from the absence
of public regulation or even advice, as well as the
shift to more water-using crops - has caused water tables
to fall across the state. Declining public investment,
inadequate maintenance and the regionally uneven pattern
of spending, have all made surface water access also
problematic. In consequence, there are now real problems
with respect to even the current economic viability
of farming as a productive activity in most parts of
rural Andhra Pradesh, not to mention its sustainability
over time.
Other factors have added to debt burdens that become
unbearable over time. Production loans dominate in current
rural indebtedness. But among the non-productive loans
incurred by rural households, those taken for paying
for medical expenses are the most significant. The deterioration
of public health services and the promotion of private
medical care have dramatically increased the financial
costs of sheer physical survival and well-being, even
among the relatively poor.
This entire process is sometimes presented as a situation
in which rural people have been ''left out'' of the
process of globalisation, or have been ''marginalised''
or ''excluded''. But nothing could be further from the
truth. The problem is not at all that cultivators and
workers in this state have been ''left out''; rather,
they have been forced into market relations that are
intrinsically loaded against them. They have not been
marginalised and excluded; instead, they have been incorporated
and integrated into market systems in which their lack
of assets, poor protection through regulation and low
bargaining power have operated to make their material
conditions more adverse.
Thus,
there have been policy errors of both omission and commission.
And these have combined to create the specific problems
outlined above, on which there now exist a wealth of
data and a number of useful studies. But the effects
of these errors are apparent even in the aggregate data
on output, even though these are recognised to be notoriously
slack in identifying actual material trends. Chart 1
indicates the behaviour of the index numbers for per
capita income (that is net domestic product in constant
1993-94 prices) for all sectors and for agriculture
alone. The SDP has been deflated by total population,
and the agriculture product has been deflated by rural
population only, to give an idea of the actual trends
over time in rural incomes.
Chart 1 >>
It is evident that while aggregate SDP per capita has
increased moderately since 1993, SDP in agriculture
per capita shows no such increase, and has actually
declined. In fact, between the triennium 1994-94 to
1995-96 and the triennium 2001-02 and 2003-04, per capita
agricultural product actually declined by around 12
per cent.
This
has also been reflected in indicators of per capita
consumption, which probably provide a more accurate
picture of the real economic conditions in the countryside.
Chart 2 indicates the trend in the four regions of rural
Andhra Pradesh according to the NSS consumer expenditure
surveys.
Chart
2 >>
Aggregate per capita consumption for the rural areas
of the whole state taken together increased marginally
between 1983 and 1999-2000. But it is notable that there
appears to have been hardly any increase since 1993-94,
despite the moderate increase in per capita SDP indicated
above. What is even more significant is that per capita
consumption fell after 1993-94 in all the regions of
rural Andhra Pradesh barring the coastal Andhra region.
This fall was particularly marked for Rayalseema (comprising
the Southwest and Inland Southern regions). So, in most
of the rural areas of the state, average consumption
expenditure actually declined in real terms in the period
1993-94 to 1999-2000.
This is quite consistent with the picture of growing
difficulty of cultivation that has been outlined above.
But in addition to the agricultural patterns, the general
stagnation of the rural economy, and the absence of
non-agricultural income generation possibilities, contributed
further to the deterioration of living standards in
the countryside. Part of the problem in employment generation
stemmed from agriculture itself - not only was this
sector depressed, but the increasing mechanisation implied
falling labour use per hectare of cultivation.
Growing mechanisation of agricultural activity was a
phenomenon noticed across rural India. But in Andhra
Pradesh this was actively encouraged by the state government,
which provided subsidies to large farmers attempting
to change cultivation practices to use more mechanised
techniques. To give an idea, the subsidy expenditure
incurred by the state government for farm mechanisation
increased from Rs. 250 crores in 2001-02 to as much
as Rs. 933 crores by 2003-04.
Unsurprisingly in this context, agricultural employment
stagnated. Table 1 provides evidence on the growth of
employment, using work participation rates (for all
workers and for principal and subsidiary activities)
from the NSS and population data from the Census of
India. Total agricultural employment in terms of Usual
Status occupation barely increased at all between 1993-94
and 1999-2000, while in terms of Daily Status (which
as a flow measure is a more accurate indicator of labour
demand conditions) actually declined.
Table
1 >>
This decline in agricultural employment was not countered
by any increase in non-agricultural employment, so that
total rural employment effectively did not increase
at all, in a period when rural population was increasing
in Andhra Pradesh was increasing by around 1.4 per cent
per year. Andhra Pradesh shows the lowest rate of rural
employment growth (of all types - that is principal
and subsidiary) among all the states of India, at less
than one-tenth of the already low national average of
0.66 per cent per year over this period.
This too was related to national and state government
policies - in particular, the decline in public expenditure
directed towards the rural areas especially after 1992-93.
The positive multiplier effects of public expenditure
in rural India have been widely noted; indeed, it was
such expenditure that was responsible for the diversification
of employment observed across the rural economy in the
late 1980s, and the associated reduction in rural poverty.
By contrast, the 1990s were marked by a concentration
of public resources towards urban areas.
This trend was especially marked in Andhra Pradesh,
where the urge to build up a supposedly modern metropolis
in Hyderabad and to enhance certain types of connectivity
especially for urban areas, dominated over the evident
need to provide resources even for basic infrastructure
in the villages. Thus, even public investment that directly
contributes towards agricultural growth, whether in
the form of road and rail connectivity or the construction
and maintenance of surface irrigation schemes, was reduced.
The pattern of public expenditure therefore contributed
in no small measure to the overall agrarian crisis.
In addition, as has already been noted, certain critical
public organisations that provided direct assistance
to farmers were either closed down (such as the AP Irrigation
Development Corporation, which provided assistance in
groundwater exploitation) or greatly debilitated (such
as the AP Seed Corporation).
All this is important in suggesting how the direction
of policy must change in Andhra Pradesh, and the good
news is that the state government already appears to
be aware of much of this. But it also serves as a warning
for the whole of India. Indeed, just as Andhra Pradesh
provides a dismal example of the disastrous effects
of neoliberal economic policies upon agriculture, it
also may in future point to the alternative policies
that allow for viable and sustainable agriculture to
develop in India.
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