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The
International Transmission of Fragility |
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May
10th 2009, C.P. Chandrasekhar and Jayati Ghosh |
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The
April 2009 edition of the IMF's Global Financial Stability
Report is categorical. Global financial stability has
deteriorated further since its last assessments in October
and January, with conditions worsening more in emerging
markets in recent months. Within emerging markets, while
European countries have been affected most, the problem
is acute elsewhere as well with some countries in Asia,
which had emerged the growth pole in the world economy,
being impacted severely. Thus even a country like South
Korea, which is seen as having recovered substantially
from the damage inflicted by the 1997-98 crisis, is
now experiencing a crisis in its financial sector with
feedback effects on the real economy. Examining this
Asian face of the crisis does offer some important lessons-once
again.
There are many ways in which developing countries have
been affected by what began as a developed country crisis.
But there are two which are seen as being of particular
relevance. One is through the effect of the global slowdown
on their exports. This is in some sense unavoidable,
though this effect would differ across countries depending
on the degree to which growth in individual countries
is dependent on exports, especially to developed country
markets, and on the degree to which countries can redirect
growth away from dependence on export markets to dependence
on domestic demand. The second is because of a sudden
reversal of capital inflows, with attendant effects
on reserves, currency values and liquidity. As the IMF
puts it: ''The deleveraging process is curtailing capital
flows to emerging markets. On balance, emerging markets
could see net private capital outflows in 2009 with
slim chances of a recovery in 2010 and 2011.''
The outflows, the IMF estimates, can be substantial.
Net private capital flows to countries the IMF identifies
as emerging markets peaked at 4.45 per cent of their
GDP. This is estimated to fall to 1.34 in 2008 and a
negative 0.15 per cent in 2009. Much of this decline
and reversal would be on account of portfolio and ''other''
investment, which are estimated to be negative in both
years, whereas the flow of FDI is expected to be positive,
though smaller. This is not surprising since it is to
be expected that the impact would be greater on hot
money flows, as the IMF suggests. Heavily leveraged
firms faced with redemption pressures, such as hedge
funds, have played an important role, with nearly one-third
of the $23 billion in assets under the management of
such funds in emerging markets having been repatriated
in the fourth quarter of 2008. This process of ''deleveraging''
is of course a reflection of the need of international
banks and financial firms to withdraw capital from emerging
market to meet demands at home.
But it has damaging effects in emerging market countries.
Stock markets have collapsed, and currencies are depreciating
sharply. When the exit of capital results in a depreciation
of the local currency, corporations that have accumulated
foreign exchange liabilities in the recent past find
that declining revenues and higher local currency costs
of acquiring foreign exchange are squeezing profits,
delivering losses and even threatening bankruptcies.
Banks that have lent to these corporations are recording
increases in non-performing assets and are cutting back
on credit provision. And the flight of capital implies
that consumers and investors who financed large consumption
and investment expenditures with credit are being forced
to cut back worsening the shrinkage of demand. This
is a vicious cycle that drives the downturn in emerging
markets, some of which, according to the IMF, have become
the focus of the crisis in recent months.
It bears noting that this set of developments linked
to capital reversal is surprising given the received
mainstream wisdom on the source of the global imbalances
that led up to the current crisis. Developing countries,
it was argued, especially developing countries in Asia,
had turned cautious after their experience with the
crises in 1997 and after, and were therefore holding
the foreign exchange they earned from net exports as
reserves. The resulting global savings glut was accompanied
by a flow of capital to the developed countries, particularly
the United States, financing not just the current account
deficit but also the boom in stock, housing and commodity
markets in that country. It was because the resultant
excess spending that generated the upswing in goods
and asset markets in the US could not be sustained for
ever that the boom had to unwind through a process that
inexorably led to a recession.
The first problem with this argument is that it misses
the fact that in the case of most developing countries,
including many of the exceptional performers in Asia
(barring cases like China, where net exports were indeed
important), the accumulation of foreign reserves was
the result of the inflow of capital. Second, this inflow
of capital took the form of a supply-side surge driven
by financial developments in the developed countries
with financial institutions in those countries being
the ''source'' of capital. As Chart 1 indicates, the increases
in the Cross-Border Liabilities of Banks reporting to
the Bank of International Settlements were substantial
since early 2005 (even after adjusting for exchange
rate changes), with a significant acceleration of such
changes between mid-2006 and the first quarter of 2008.
An examination of the country-wise break of the location
of banks with such cross-border liabilities shows that
most of these banks were located in the developed countries
and were accumulating substantial liabilities in developing
countries as well.
Chart
1 >>
In
fact, if we take total external financing in the form
of bond financing, equity financing and syndicated loans,
there was a significant increase in such financing between
2004 and 2007 in countries identified as emerging markets
by the IMF. Further, the share of Asian emerging markets
(EMs) was substantial, despite the evidence that European
EMs were receiving a large share of such financing (Chart
2). It is only in 2008, when the crisis had set in that
we begin to see a decline in flows and that decline
was sharp in the last two quarters of 2008. The point
to note is that the increased inflow prior to 2008 was
not because of any special measures adopted by these
countries. Many of them had begun liberalizing their
rules with regard to capital inflows in the early 1990s
and had gone the distance by the time of the 1997 crisis,
after which capital flows to developing countries in
Asia were curtailed. The resurgence of inflows after
2004 was not specifically driven by any new policy changes
in the recipient countries, but by a push generated
by excess liquidity in the source countries. The error
on the part of the emerging market countries was that
they had not imposed restrictions on capital inflows
after the 1997 crisis, making them vulnerable to surges
in capital inflows followed by reversals, or to boom-bust
cycles of the kind that preceded 1997.
The point to note is that liberalization did not offer
any guarantee of capital inflows either in normal times
or in times of irrational exuberance. Capital inflows
do not necessarily rise sharply immediately after liberalization
nor do all countries attract inflows once they liberalize.
Thus during the period of the global capital surge beginning
2004, a few developing countries in Asia accounted for
an overwhelming share of capital flows to emerging markets
in the region. Table 1 shows that the 7 top emerging
market recipients of capital inflows received between
85 and 95 per cent of the flows into emerging Asia.
Chart
2 >> Table
1 >>
The crisis in some of these countries is a result of
the reduction of these inflows to some of these ''beneficiaries''
of the capital inflow surge. What is noteworthy is that
the decline in aggregate external market financing has
been accompanied by a sharp fall in mobilization of
finance through bond financing, while the fall has been
lower in the case of equity financing and syndicated
borrowing (Tables 2, 3 and 4). In fact, the relative
share of syndicated loans in total private external
financing has risen quite significantly across leading
emerging markets in Asia. Clearly, emerging market paper
was less attractive and a rising share of flows that
were occurring were the result of dedicated effort to
syndicate loans and ensure some capital inflow.
The evidence that a reversal of flows has been damaging,
even in countries that were performing well with strong
reserves and reasonably good macroeconomic conditions,
demonstrates once again the fragility associated with
excessive dependence on external capital inflows. In
the circumstance, the case for imposing controls on
inflows to reduce the vulnerability that results from
global as opposed to domestic developments is strong.
But as in 1997, it is unclear today whether countries
would absorb the lessons of the current crisis and do
the needful. And if a relatively stronger Asia does
not, it is unlikely that developing countries elsewhere
would do so.
Table
2 >> Table
3 >> Table
4 >>
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