What is
noteworthy is that the spill-over effect of the US boom was less visible
during the 1990s than would have been expected based on past experience.
Excepting for some success, however unstable, in Southeast Asia and China,
growth was either moderate in the other industrial nations (barring the
UK) or dismal, as in Japan and large parts of the developing world. The
reasons are not hard to find. France, Germany and the UK were not major
beneficiaries in terms of a net export boom. Whatever growth occurred
there was based on an expansion of final domestic demand. Also, in these
countries, the stimulating effect of financial flows on stock market
values and the extent of involvement of households in the stock market
were far less than in the US. Thus one of the principal ways in which a
financial boom translates into a real boom, was far less effective in
these countries.
But that is not all. In countries such as Japan and
even in many developing countries like South Korea, which have
predominantly bank-based rather than stock market-based financial systems,
financial liberalization has proved debilitating. In these countries, the
high growth of the 1970s and 1980s was fuelled by bank credit, which
allowed firms to undertake huge investments in capacity and diversify into
new areas where world trade was booming, in order to garner the export
success that triggered growth. The consequent high levels of gearing of
firms and high exposure of banks to risky assets could be 'managed' within
a closed and regulated financial system, in which the state, through the
central bank, played the role of guarantor of deposits and lender of last
resort. Non-performing loans generated by failures in particular areas
were implicitly seen as a social cost that had to be borne by the system
in order to ensure economic success.
Such systems were rendered extremely vulnerable, however, once
liberalization subjected banks to market rules. And when, in a
post-liberalized financial world, vulnerability threatened the stability
of individual banks, the easy access to liquidity, which was so crucial to
financing the earlier boom, gave way to tight financial conditions that
spelt bankruptcy for firms and worsened the conditions of the banks even
further. At the beginning of 2002, the official estimate of non-performing
loans of Japanese banks stood at Y43,000 billion, or 8 per cent of GDP.
This, despite the fact that over nine years ending March 2001, Japanese
banks had written off Y72,000 billion as bad loans. In the past this would
not have been a problem, as it would have been met by infusion of
government funds into the banking system in various ways. But under the
new liberalized, market-based discipline, banks (i) are not getting
additional money to finance new NPAs; (ii) are being required to pay back
past loans provided by the government; and (iii) are faced with the
prospect of a reduction in depositor guarantees, which could see the
withdrawal of deposits from banks.
With banks unable to play their role as growth engines,
the government has been forced to use the route of reduced interest rates
to fuel growth. This has affected banks even further. With interest rates
close to zero, lending is not just risky because of the recession, but
downright unprofitable. As a result, despite government efforts to ease
monetary conditions, credit is difficult to come by, adversely affecting
investment and consumption. The net effect is that financial
liberalization has triggered a recession that consecutive rounds of
reflationary spending by the state have not been able to counteract.
In other situations, as in South Korea and Thailand, financial
liberalization had permitted the financial system to borrow cheap abroad
and lend costly at home, to finance speculative investments in the stock
market and in real estate. When international lenders realized that they
were overexposed in risky areas, lending froze, contributing to the
downward spiral that culminated in the 1997 crises in Southeast Asia. In
the event, deflation has meant that, a recovery in some countries
notwithstanding, the current account of the balance of payments in
developing countries reflects a deflationary surplus in recent years
(Chart 9).
Chart 9 >>
Thus, in countries which do
not have the US advantage of being home to the reserve currency and have a
financial system that is structurally different, the rise of finance has
implied that that the underlying deflationary bias in the system induced
by financial mobility has been worsened in more ways than one. If we add
this tendency towards depression in parts of the world to the limited and
countrywise concentrated spill-over of the US boom into world markets, it
becomes clear that the de-synchronization of the economic cycle across
countries during the 1990s is a fall-out of the rise to dominance of
finance internationally.