In
the post WTO era, ever since agriculture was opened
up to free global trade, world prices of cotton have
witnessed a sharp and steady decline. Despite the
avowal to cut protection in agriculture, the post WTO era has not seen any reduction in protection that
is being given to farmers in rich developed countries
like the US and the European Union. The subsidies
given by the US to its cotton farmers have largely
been accepted to be the reason for the spectacular
decline in cotton prices at a global level.
The reason for this is that since the government provides
a large range of domestic support, US cotton farmers
increase their production unlimitedly and in much
excess of domestic demand. This excess is then dumped
in the international market, which makes the world
cotton supply much larger than demand and brings down
cotton prices. This is possible since the US has various
export promotion programmes like credit promotion
and other direct payments for making US cotton globally
competitive, which, though disguised as non-subsidies,
actually help to dump this surplus in the international
market. Some of it is given as compensation to US
farmers if their actual price is higher than the world
price (See step 2 payments in
the box below). This obviously encourages the
US producer to dump a huge supply on the international
market. Not surprisingly, world prices have declined
steadily since 1995 and reached a 29 year low in 2001.
While Cotton prices have declined by more than 60
percent since 1995, U.S. subsidies to its 25,000 cotton
farmers reached 3.9 billion dollars in 2001-02, double
the level of subsidies in 1992. Interestingly, the
value of subsidies provided by American taxpayers
to the cotton barons of Texas and elsewhere in 2001
exceeded the market value of output of cotton by around
30 per cent. In addition, this subsidy is provided
to only the richest 10% of US farmers who get 73%
of the total cotton subsidies. The rest of the cotton
farmers in America hardly benefit from these subsidies.
This actually shows that US subsidies, though largely
domestic, is actually for the benefit of the export
market.
Cotton
Competitiveness: Provisions
in US Law
These
are "provisions added
by the Food, Agriculture,
Conservation, and Trade
Act of 1990 to the cotton
program designed to keep
U.S. cotton price competitive
in domestic and export markets.
Sometimes referred to as
the "three-step competitiveness"
provisions. Step 1 is the
discretionary authority
for USDA
to reduce the adjusted
world price (used
in the cotton marketing
assistance loan program)
when world prices are declining
to near the adjusted world
price, but U.S. prices are
higher than world prices.
Though rarely used, the
Step 1 adjustment is intended
to make marketing loans
more effective in keeping
U.S. cotton globally competitive.
Step
2 payments,
sometimes referred to as
the "user marketing
certificate program,"
are made to U.S. cotton
users and exporters when
U.S. prices are higher than
world prices. Step 2 payments
are intended to bridge price
gap and keep U.S. cotton
competitive. Step 3 mandates
the opening of a "special
import quota" when
the differential between
the higher U.S. price for
cotton and the lower price
for foreign cotton extends
for a specified length of
time. Its purpose is to
allow imports to enter,
acting to lower U.S. prices
to bring them more in line
with world prices. Step
3 quotas were in effect
in April-May 1995, from
late October 1995 through
early May 1997, and were
triggered in late February
1999. A step 3 quota cannot
be established if a limited
global quota for upland
cotton
is in effect, which operates
differently and is triggered
when other price conditions
are met."
Source:
http://www.webref.org/agriculture/c/
cotton_competitiveness_provision.htm |
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World Production of Cotton
Between 1998-99 and 2002-03 the US has increased its
production at an annual rate of 5.45% (Table 1). It
reached its peak in 2001-02, producing a staggering
20, 303 thousand bales of cotton. Interestingly, its
surplus of production over domestic demand has also
increased steadily from 3,517 thousand bales in 1998-99
to 9,909 thousand bales in 2002-03. This is close to
a three-fold increase in surplus levels over a span
of just 4 years and represents a 29.56 % annual growth
rate. Stocks show a much lower growth rate of 8.70%
per annum. This is not surprising since the huge production
is dumped into the export market. World production also
shows a huge increase between 1998-99, and 2001-02 when
it reached peak levels. From a figure of 85, 298 thousand
bales in 1998-99, it went up to 98,463 bales in 2001-02.
Table
1 >> Click
to Enlarge
A look at table 1 shows that the US has increased its
export market share drastically between 1998-99 and
2002-03. From a share of 18.16% in 1998-99, America’s
share in world exports jumped to 38.96 % in 2002-03.
This represents a huge annual average growth rate of
28.99% between these two years. Obviously, nudged on
by its subsidy programme, US exports have been able
to keep pace with its surplus growth rate.
Only in the last two years does the US show a decline
in production and a subsequent decline in World production
has generated a surplus of use over production, resulting
in an increase in world prices.
Global
Prices of cotton and the US
In 2001-02, global prices were around 42 cents per pound,
the fourth year in succession that they were below the
long-term average of 72 cents per pound (Table 2). Even
the most efficient producers are now operating at a
loss, unable to cover the costs of production. Marketing
projections by the International Cotton Advisory Committee
(ICAC) suggest that prices will remain chronically depressed
in the foreseeable future. Forecasts point to a modest
recovery in 2003, but prices look likely to remain at
between 50-60 cents per pound until 2015 if present
conditions continue.
Table 2 and Chart 1 show the spectacular decline in
the Cotlook Index A, the indicator for the global prices
of cotton. The annual indices according to both calendar
and crop year (the latter is the more relevant timeframe)
reflect this pattern. However, only in the last one-two
years have there been some improvement in the global
prices of cotton. That is largely because of the fact
that due to the rock-bottom price in 2001-02, global
stocks had been drawn down subsequently. But unless
the subsidies are cut soon, the imbalance in the world
market will continue.
Table
2 >> Click
to Enlarge
Chart
1 >> Click
to Enlarge
Since it has managed to bring in such a large supply,
the subsidies given by the US government has brought
down international prices considerably. Consequently,
after 1995 when the Agreement on Agriculture came into
effect, global prices continued to fall reaching the
lowest ever level in 29 years in 2001. It is not surprising,
and only goes to prove the trade distorting nature of
US subsidies, that this all-time-low in global prices
coincide with the highest level of US subsidies in 2001-02.
The subsidies managed to bring the largest ever supply
of cotton by US farmers to the export market around
2001 and 2002.
This price pattern is ironical considering agricultural
prices were supposed to increase after the Agreement
on Agriculture. A less protected international agricultural
market and the removal of subsidies by the developed
countries were supposed to improve cotton prices and
therefore improve the lot of poor farmers in poorer
countries. However, the reality turned out to be rather
different.
The
Developing World
Estimates by the International Cotton Advisory Committee
(ICAC), using its World Textile Demand Model, indicate
that the withdrawal of American cotton subsidies would
raise cotton prices by 11 cents per pound, or by 26
per cent.
The refusal to cut cotton subsidies by the US has adversely
affected the condition in many developing or least developed
countries, which are exporters of cotton. The government
of India puts its losses at $1.3 billion, Argentina
at over $ 1 billion, and Brazil at $ 640 million in
2001-02. However, countries located in Africa, especially
Benin, Burkina Faso, Chad and Mali, who depend heavily
on cotton exports for their economic conditions, have
been hit the hardest by the secular decline in prices.
In 11 countries in Africa, cotton export earnings bring
in one fourth of all export revenue. In the four above-mentioned
African countries, 30 per cent of total export earnings
and over 60 per cent of earnings from agricultural exports
come from cotton. According to Oxfam, U.S. cotton subsidies
are destroying livelihoods in Africa by encouraging
over-production and product dumping.
According to an Oxfam Report (2001), costs of production
for one pound of cotton are three times higher in the
US than in Burkina Faso. Other major producers like
Brazil also have far lower production costs. In spite
of this, the US has expanded production in the midst
of the price slump. Obviously cotton subsidies help
them to increase production unlimitedly, and then dump
that higher production in world markets.
Other countries have consequently suffered as a result
of both lower prices for exports and loss of world market
share. While the US improved its share gradually to
a massive 40% of the world market, other major exporters
who could not subsidies their exports suffered a decline.
Uzbekistan’s share dropped from 16.11% to 11.46%,
and that of Mali from 4.01% to 2.78% between 1998-99
and 2002-03. In fact this decline had started even earlier.
Burkina Faso’s share increased marginally but
it lost out in real terms due to the steady decline
in global prices of cotton.
For India, the subsidies mean a huge loss. Though India
is a net importer at the moment, and therefore Indian
consumers can take advantage of the price decline, Indian
farmers are losing out heavily. Imports are flooding
the Indian market, whereas if subsidies were cut, Indian
cotton could have become much more competitive. The
trend of international prices over the last few years
has driven many of the poorer and smaller cotton farmers
to suicide. This phenomenon has taken on alarming proportions
since most of the farmers who have gone into cotton
production have had to take heavy loans in order to
meet production needs. However, regular slumps in international
prices have meant that they were unable to capture enough
of the world market, nor able to recover enough profits
to be able to repay their loan. Simultaneously and more
crucially, they are forced to compete with international
cotton supply even in the domestic market.
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