One of the
great successes of finance capital in the last decade-and
finance in American capitalism in particular-has been its
ability to draw more and more people, including workers,
into its net. Across the developed post-industrial world,
ordinary people now have a stake in how the financial
markets are doing, simply because their personal savings
for the future are invested directly or indirectly in
these markets.
This has come about through a combination of two
processes. First, there is the demographic factor,
resulting from a change in the structure of the
population, with a greater proportion of the aged because
of higher life expectancy, and a bulge of the post-war
baby-boomers who are now in their prime and need to save
for their old age. Second, in many countries, governments
have progressively reduced their own pension and other
commitments per capita, forcing more people to provide
their own personal savings for the future. Just as is
happening in India today, fiscal incentives for personal
savings have been continuously pushed away from bank
deposits towards more risky capital market instruments.
But capital markets-in securities and the like-are
notoriously difficult for individual investors, and almost
impossible for small investors to negotiate successfully
to ensure safe and secure returns for the future. One
response to this problem has been the development of
mutual funds.
A mutual fund pools together the individual holdings of
small personal investors and works with the total sum. A
mutual fund firm invests in a broad range of stocks or
other securities on behalf of a large number of individual
clients. These small investors mostly purchase mutual fund
shares through retirement plans or other savings plans for
the future. It therefore allows small investors to
diversify holdings (and thereby decrease risk) by creating
a vehicle for a small amount of capital to be invested in
a large number of different securities.
In the heyday of the stockmarket boom in the 1990s, these
instruments were crucial in bringing many more small
investors into the stockmarket, especially in the US.
Today, it is estimated that the number of people investing
in mutual funds in the United States is nearly 100
million, which includes around half of all households.
By now, US mutual funds alone manage as much as $7
trillion in assets, which is why these funds have become
such important players in emerging markets across the
world. Even a tiny shift in the portfolio, of say around 1
per cent, can cause huge movements of capital which can be
deeply destabilizing for any particular emerging market.
At the same time, the rapid increase of these funds over
the last decade has provided a large and growing source of
profit for fund owners, managers, banks and brokerage
houses.
Of course, mutual funds are not limited to small
investors; larger or more 'elite' investors can also
invest in these. Indeed, many larger investors often
prefer mutual funds as slightly safer vehicles than, say,
hedge funds, which deal in large amounts of capital and
are restricted to large individual investors. It is the
possibility of making a difference between the millions of
small investors who invest in mutual funds and the larger,
more powerful or more knowledgeable investors, that is at
the heart of the latest big financial scam in the US.
In October 2003, the US Securities and Exchange Commission
(SEC) and state regulators in New York and Massachusetts
brought charges against several large and influential
mutual funds and their managers. The companies include the
mutual fund giant Putnam Investments, the brokerage firm
Prudential Securities, Alliance Capital Management, and a
series of smaller mutual fund companies. Individual
brokers and executives at some of these firms are facing
criminal charges, while the mutual funds themselves face
civil fraud charges.
Just as happened with Enron and the series of corporate
scandals that broke out in America two years ago, the
matter is now snowballing as more and more firms get
implicated. What began as an enquiry against a single
hedge fund by the New York regulator Eliot Spitzer (who
was also instrumental in prosecuting the Arthur Anderson
accounting company during the Enron scandal) has now
engulfed almost the entire mutual fund business.
The basic accusations concern 'market-timing' and illegal
late trading of mutual fund shares, both of which benefit
an elite group of investors and fund managers at the
expense of millions of small investors. These are
manipulations were made possible by the peculiar way in
which mutual funds are priced.
Unlike many other stockmarket-based financial instruments,
mutual funds are not priced continuously on the market.
Instead, at the end of each trading day (4 pm Eastern
Standard Time), the total value of the fund's investments
is calculated and this figure is divided by the number of
outstanding fund shares, yielding the price per share. An
order to buy or sell a share in a mutual fund is held
until the end of the day, when it is processed at the
closing price. The purpose of this is to prevent investors
from taking advantage of the very temporary movements in
price over the day.
However, this has created the possibility of
'market-timing', a process by which an investor takes
advantage of the fact that the price of a mutual fund is
determined by the closing value of the shares owned by the
fund, regardless of when this closing value was actually
determined. Thus, for example, international stocks and
shares owned by the fund are priced at the value of the
stock at the time of the closing of the market in which
they are traded, which can be hours before the closing of
the US markets. This is true of all Asian and European
stocks, for example.
Since there are such large time differences involved with
markets closing at very different times across the world,
there could be events or information that come through to
reveal to investors that the actual value of the
international shares is different from the closing (or
'stale') value. Therefore, the real value of the mutual
fund may be quite different from the calculated value at
the close of the trading day. This provides a tremendous
opportunity for profit, especially for insiders of fund
managers, who can take advantage of information that is
not available to ordinary retail investors.
The other practice that has been used to deprive small
investors of returns at the cost of a favoured group of
insiders of elite investors is known as late trading. In
this case, managers can benefit selected clients by
processing orders as if they were placed before the close
of the trading day instead of later. This is possible
because orders usually take several hours to process, so
that trades are usually allowed to go through to the
mutual fund well after closing, as long as the original
order was placed before the close of the trading day. So
brokers can simply declare that a particular order was
placed earlier. Late trading is more than a bending of the
law, it is strictly illegal although extremely difficult
to monitor and regulate.
Both market-timing and late trading do more than provide
windfall profits for a small group of favoured investors
or even insider managers themselves. They also affect the
total value of the mutual fund and therefore the return to
small investors. Whenever an investor sells at a price
above the true market value of the fund's shares or buys
at a price below the market value, the difference must be
absorbed by the mutual fund itself. This means that the
total value of the assets owned by the fund, and therefore
the value of each individual holding, must go down.
It is now clear that these practices were not restricted
to a few unscrupulous mutual fund managers, but were
actually widespread across the hedge fund and mutual fund
industries. Every week since September, when the first
accusations against a hedge fund were made by Eliot
Spitzer, new firms have come up for scrutiny and been
found wanting. Clearly, therefore, millions of small
investors in the US who invested in mutual funds have lost
some savings by virtue of these sharp practices.
The SEC has already been criticized
for its inactivity and ignoring of such fraudulent
practices, which raise many parallels with the earlier
Wall Street scams. A recent settlement of SEC with Putnam,
the fifth biggest US fund manager, has been denounced by
Spitzer and other regulators for not going far enough.
Without admitting
wrongdoing, Putnam has agreed to 'governance reforms' and
to pay restitution to investors who lost money as a result
of its employees' improper trading. This is tantamount to
administering a light slap on
the wrist for very serious financial crimes.
While some
individual managers are being punished by losing their
jobs, the extent of punishment is not likely to be a
deterrent to such activity by others in the future. This
is especially true when those who are forced to leave
still make windfall gains in the process. For example, the
CEO of
Putnam, Lawrence Lasser, is due to
receive $89 million in parting pay. He was already one of
the highest paid executives in the industry, receiving
over $100 million in pay and bonuses over
the past five years.
All this
reinforces arguments that are now well known: that
financial markets are prone to all sorts of imperfections
resulting from incomplete and asymmetric information in
particular, and that these can give rise to very serious
malfunctioning and wrongdoing. It is also increasingly
clear that adequately regulating undesirable practices is
difficult if not impossible, given the ability of the
markets to develop new forms of malpractice, and the close
social and political nexus that tends to exist between
financiers and those who are meant to monitor them.
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