These are scandalous times, so much so that the very
frequency of scams and swindles has tended to inure
us and make us less shocked at each new revelation.
We have now grown used to stories of crime in high places,
of financial skulduggery by corporate groups aided and
abetted by their political cronies, not only in our
own country but even internationally.
Nevertheless, the latest episode in India of blatant
financial wrongdoing still comes as something of an
unwelcome surprise. This is because it provides further
evidence that the powers that be in our country are
not just engaging in corrupt practices, but also have
no qualms about subverting crucial public institutions.
Our rulers today appear to be so short-sighted in their
quest for dubious immediate gain that they have lost
sight of the basic requirements for market functioning
and minimally efficient capitalism.
The case in point relates to the Maheshwar Dam project
in Madhya Pradesh, to be constructed on the Narmada
river upstream of the Sardar Sarovar project. This project
has already been the subject of much controversy and
protest, largely because of its effect in terms of submergence
and displacement, and local groups have been involved
in agitating against this project for some years. While
the official rehabilitation policy requires that the
affected people be resettled with agricultural land
and allows cash compensation only in very exceptional
cases, so far not a single affected family has been
given agricultural land. Instead, several people have
been more or less forced to accept cash compensation,
as the promoters have apparently dumped large quantities
of stones on their land.
These
continue to be major issues; in addition, the project
has been beset by difficulties of various sorts almost
from the outset, and has now been halted for some time.
In fact, there are real questions about the viability
and sustainability of this project. For example, because
the project is situated in the plains of the Narmada
valley with a low rim, there is a technical and design
bar to higher production of power. Four-fifths of the
power is to be produced during the four monsoon months.
Since the actual extent of firm power in a hydel project
is based on the available water flows, it is likely
to be only a fraction of the proposed installed capacity.
If there is a drought and power is required, hydel power
will not suffice because of inadequate flows of water.
Since
1994, when the project value was only Rs. 465 crores,
the estimated outlay has increased to Rs. 2233 crores
by this year. In addition, the PPA (which is valid for
35 years) requires compulsory payments at deemed generation
levels, irrespective of actual production, and guaranteed
rates of return on equity ranging from 16 per cent to
32 per cent. As a result, the power tariff, as a proportion
of project costs, has gone up enormously. Based on the
tariff formula in the Power Purchase Agreement, it may
be conservatively estimated that the average cost of
power from the Maheshwar Project will be around Rs.
4-5 per kWh at bus bar, and the cost of peaking power
will be much higher.
This
points to what may emerge as the fundamental flaw in
the project-that the power it will generate is so
expensive that the cost of power production cannot be
recovered through sale of power either by the MPEB (Madhya
Pradesh State Electricity Board) or by the project promoters.
Needless to say, the experience of the state of Maharashtra
with Enron should provide obvious warning signals in
this regard.
But
all these issues, important as they are, are still not
the major concern at this moment. The issue that has
come up now relates to the misuse of public money by
those anxious to restart this project and continue to
reward the private promoters. Clearly, this project
is extremely vulnerable to and crucially dependent on
the overall financial position and other sources of
revenue of the Madhya Pradesh Electricity Board, which
is itself in severe financial difficulties.
The project is being run by Shree Maheshwar Hydel Power
Corporation Limited (hereafter SMHPCL), a company set
up by the S. Kumars Group. The S. Kumars Group, and
its holding companies, have a rather dubious record
in terms of financial dealings thus far. There are ongoing
legal proceedings against the group companies Induj
Enertech Limited and SMHPCL, such that the movable and
immovable properties of the Maheshwar Project have been
under attachment since December 2002. This is because
of default of a loan of nearly Rs. 45 crores taken by
Induj Enertech for the Maheshwar project.
In
any case, it has been clear for some time that this
whole project, while ostensibly in the hands of the
private sector under the control of the S. Kumars Group,
is being dominantly financed by public financial institutions.
The Industrial Finance Corporation of India (IFCI) is
the lead agency responsible for the continuing appraisal
and monitoring of the project on behalf of all the other
public financial institutions and banks, involved in
financing the Maheshwar Project.
According
to the IFCI Reappraisal Report of March 2000, by the
end of 1999, the SMHPCL had borrowed around Rs. 122
crores of public money from various banks and institutions
including the IFCI, IDBI, SBI, LIC, GIC, Bank of India,
Dena Bank, etc. It had also put in around Rs. 136 crores
of its own money as promoter's contribution that was
a requirement for the public financing. Together this
money constituted the project funds, the expenditure
from which has to be with the prior approvals from the
financial institutions.
The
IFCI Reappraisal Report indicated that out of this money,
Rs. 106.4 crores was given to agencies that neither
did any of the assignments on the Project nor had any
approved contracts for the Project. Clearly, therefore,
these public monies were not used for the purposes of
the loan, that is the construction of the project. The
IFCI Report also noted that Rs. 19.3 crores of this
money was given to SMHPCL's holding company-Induj,
although Induj had no contracts, or any experience to
work in the Project.
It
can certainly be argued that all this constitutes diversion
and siphoning off of funds as defined by the RBI. The
IFCI Report stated that "the company has also not
taken any approval from the Institutions in this respect
before appointing them" and stipulated the return
of the entire sum of Rs. 106.4 crores along with interest
as an important pre-disbursement condition for any more
public funds to be infused into the Project.
So
Rs. 106.4 crores of project funds, including public
funds, were diverted to entities without contracts,
who did no work on the Project. Despite such money being
available to those not involved in the project, even
the telephone and electricity connections of SMHPCL
have been severed due to non-payment.
In
addition, the S. Kumars group have a track record of
willful default. The S. Kumars Power Corporation Limited
(now known as the Induj Enertech Limited) was declared
"willful defaulter" by the MPSIDC through
a public notice in the Economic Times of 13 September
2002 for defaulting on a loan taken from the MPSIDC
in 1997-98. By the public notice of 13 September 2002,
another S. Kumars company-M/s Modak Rubber and Textile
Industry Private Limited - was also declared a willful
defaulter.
Another
IFCI Report of 10 June 2002 noted that the flagship
company –S.Kumars Nationwide Limited –willfully defaulted
on its loans despite being able to pay. "Even after
restructuring, it (SKNL) is defaulting to IFCI as well
as to other institutions despite having cash accruals
of Rs. 63 crores for the year ending September 2001".
The SKNL has defaulted in the repayment of the principal
and interest to IFCI even after the restructuring of
the loan.
Given
all this, by no stretch of imagination could SMHPCL-or indeed any other S. Kumar Group company - currently
be considered a desirable borrower, especially from
public financial institutions that have already suffered
because of its earlier default. Most people would immediately
assume that there can be no question of it giving public
money or supporting a bonds issue for the S.Kumars Group
in the circumstances.
This
is what makes it so remarkable that a special meeting
was called on 4 March this year, to try and arrange
further public financing for the Maheshwar project.
The meeting, organised by the Ministry of Power, was
chaired by the Union Power Minister and attended by
top politicians (including the Chief Minister of Madhya
Pradesh and the Union Minister of State for Finance)
as well as the Chairmen of the major public financial
institutions involved. The purpose of the meeting was
to tie up the finances of the Maheshwar Project to the
extent of Rs. 2233 crores through loans and debentures
to be financed by the Indian financial institutions.
This included subscriptions for the debentures to be
issued by the SMHPCL-an amount between Rs. 330 to
Rs. 400 crores.
Obviously
there was some pressure on the financial institutions,
and many of them complied to an extent. The SBI said
that they had formally cancelled a foreign currency
loan of Rs. 110 crores that it had committed to earlier
(which to be given by SBI Frankfurt), but were prepared
to renew it. The IFCI was directed to firm up subscription
agreement for equity from others, and to tie up or reconfirm
the balance debt/equity from the FIs.
The
Power Finance Corporation stated even though PFC is
the largest lender to the Project beyond its normal
exposure limits, and SMHPCL is the PFC’s third largest
defaulter, it would still consider providing the credit
enhancement guarantee to facilitate the raising of funds
through OFCDs, provided the SMHPCL defaults on the PFC
are paid. The Managing Director of LIC stated that the
LIC had agreed to contribute to the subscription of
Rs. 100 crores to the debentures proposed to be issued
by the SMHPCL on the condition that a) the OFCDs are
rated by the CRISIL at AAA(SO), b) provided the PFC
provides credit enhancement guarantee to the Project,
and c) if the lenders confirm their support to the Project.
Of
course, the crucial prior requirement for all these
is for the defaulted debt to these institutions to be
actually repaid, without which these public financial
institutions would be legally constrained in providing
fresh funds. But there was no such insistence that the
defaults of public money must be paid back by S. Kumars
immediately. Instead, the Union Ministers actually proposed
that the public financial institutions should go against
all basic financial norms to provide fresh finance anyway.
The
basic pressure was on the LIC. The Minutes of this meeting
read as follows: "Hon'ble MOS (Fin.), GOI, felt that
pro-active participation of LIC by way of advance subscription
to OFCD to the tune of Rs. 100 crores is a crucial trigger
for the project to move forward and desired that the
proposal be reconsidered by the LIC Board so that PFC
could be paid, construction restarted and PFC could
also issue guarantee for OFCD to back up GOM
guarantee."
It
should be noted that the LIC Board had earlier refused
to make any such advance payment. According to the Minutes,
the Secretary, Power in his summing up of the discussion,
also reiterated that " Considering the fact that
PFC cannot issue the credit enhancement guarantee without
the clearance of default dues, LIC to reconsider payment
of Rs. 100 crores in advance for clearing the dues and
to mobilize site for resumption of work." The Honourable
Power Minister then "emphasized that decisions be implemented
effectively and without delay".
What all this amounts to is that a major public financial
institution-indeed, one that is the repository of
a significant amount of savings of the people of India-is being asked provide money to a company that is
a known defaulter and has even defaulted on loans provided
by that institution itself. This money is then to serve
as the basis for allowing even more public money from
other financial institutions to be transferred to this
company, whose track record does not suggest any reason
for reposing such trust.
All this is not just contrary to basic financial norms,
it is also probably illegal. Note that all this is occurring
is a context in which we are daily informed that neo-liberal
marketist reforms have brought about greater transparency
and accountability into the system. This is of course
the opposite of the truth.
But
in addition, those responsible for such decisions make
a further error. Unfortunately, those running the country
today do not seem to be aware that even the kind of
sleaze-ridden capitalism they are promoting requires
the viable functioning of certain institutions, especially
public financial institutions.
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