Well
before the financial crisis broke out so violently in the US and caused
ripple effects all over the world, most people in developing countries
were already reeling under the effects of dramatic volatility in global
food and fuel markets. In 2007 and 2008 prices of most primary commodities
first increased very rapidly, to a degree that was completely unwarranted
by actual changes in global demand and supply. Then they collapsed,
from peaks in May-June 2008, at even more rapid rates than their previous
increases. But in many countries the fall in global prices was not associated
with a fall in prices paid by consumers, while the actual producers
(such as farmers) rarely benefited from the price increases.
It is now quite widely accepted that financial activity - specifically
the involvement of index investors - was strongly associated with these
dramatic price movements. Commodities emerged as an attractive alternate
investment avenue for financial investors from around 2006, when the
US housing market showed the initial signs of its ultimate collapse.
This was aided by financial deregulation that allowed purely financial
agents to enter such markets without requirements of holding physical
commodities. This generated a bubble, beginning in futures markets that
transmitted to spot markets as well.
Thereafter - even before the collapse of Lehman Brothers signalled the
global financial crisis - commodity prices started falling as such index
investors started to withdraw. The global recession that was evident
from mid 2008 led to perceptions that commodity prices would not firm
up any time soon. While this contributed to fears of deflation in the
context of liquidity trap conditions, this was even seen to be an advantage
especially for food and fuel importing developing countries, whose import
bills would be reduced accordingly.
But while the collapse in commodity prices after the recent peak was
sharp, it proved to be quite short-lived. Most important commodity prices
- especially food and oil prices - have been rising from early 2009,
even before there was any real evidence of global ''recovery''.
Chart
1 shows that global food prices, which nearly doubled between June 2007
and June 2008, fell very sharply thereafter and were back to the June
2007 level by December 2008. But thereafter they have been rising once
again, such that the increase between December 2008 and November 2009
has been more than 16 per cent on average across all food commodities.
Agricultural raw materials prices did not rise as quickly and fell more
in the second half of 2008, so their recent price increase has been
sharper, close to 35 per cent in the seven months between May and November
2009. But this means that they are on average only just back to the
level of two years earlier.
Other non-agricultural primary commodities - metals and other industrial
inputs, showed less price increases during the 2007 commodity boom,
more volatility over the course of 2008 and sharper falls thereafter,
so that by the beginning of 2009 their prices were below those of January
2006 (Chart 2). But these prices have exhibited particularly pointed
recovery since then, increasing by more than 50 per cent in the case
of metals between March and November 2009, and by 43 per cent in the
case of other industrial raw materials
Of course energy prices are particularly crucial, and here the recent
trend in both all fuel prices (including coal) and only petroleum prices,
has been quite marked as well. Chart 3 shows a picture of great volatility,
but the extraordinary price increases of 2007 to mid 2008 and the subsequent
fall tend to reduce the attention to more recent trends. Thus, in the
eleven months of 2009 for which the data are now available, fuel prices
have increased by 53 per cent and oil prices have increased by 88 per
cent. In any other period such increases would be the object of widespread
attention and the subject of endless commentary. But because we live
in such ''interesting times'', with a recent history of even greater
and more rapid increase and decrease, they have largely gone unnoticed.
Why is this happening? And what does it portend for the future? It was
noted earlier that the recovery in most primary commodity prices actually
predated the global output recovery. As was the case in the previous
price surge of 2007-08, these recent price increases are unlikely to
be related to any real economy changes in demand and supply. Despite
some supply shocks in particular crops, according to the FAO most agricultural
goods in 2009 showed approximately the same demand-supply relationships
that existed in the previous years, with no force making for any significnt
upward or downward price trend. So if prices are increasing, it must
be because of the effect of expectations combined with heightened speculative
activity in commodity markets, especially in commodity futures.
Indeed, there is no reason for such speculation to be curbed at present;
if anything, the low interest rates that are being maintained by most
major economies as part of the recovery package, combined with the immense
moral hazard generated by the large financial bailouts, are likely to
have made the appetite for risky behaviour much larger. Both gold and
other primary commodities are once again emerging as prime areas of
interest for financial institutions, and some of the large (and succcessful)
financial players such as Goldman Sachs are expanding or opening new
commodity investment sections.
As
Charts 4 and 5 indicate, the value of OTC (over the counter) futures
contracts in both gold and other commodities has tended to track spot
price movements. Since OTC contracts do not occur in regulated exchanges
(and in any case effective regulation that would constrain speculative
activity in commodity futures is not yet in place in any of the major
financial centres) such activity still has the potential to cause wild
swings in commodity prices that are not justified by any fundamentals.
This creates a piquant situation for economic policy. In macroeconomic
terms, the global threat of deflation is still greater than that of
inflation, especially because the financial crisis is far from resolved
or even properly dealt with and is bound to result in new problems in
real economies sooner rather than later. However, both the nature of
the recent recovery and the policy response to the crisis (which has
provided more liquidity without adequate control or regulation) suggest
that primary commodities may well witness a price surge once again.
Such price surges have huge negative implications for developing countries.
Because they are the result of financial activity, they typically do
not benefit the direct producers who may be resident in the developing
world. But they cause huge damage to consumers of food and other essential
items, typically the poor in developing countries who are the worst
affected as the prices of necessities increase even as their employment
and wages continue to languish.
If these very adverse effects are to be avoided, financial regulation
to curb speculative activity in commodity markets must become an urgent
priority at both national and international levels. The governments
of large developing countries that are now beginning to flex their muscles
at various international fora would to well to recognise the critical
urgency of such measures, if they really want to benefit their own people
in international negotiations.