Ever since Chidambaram's dream-turned-to-nightmare Budget of
1997-98, the Central Government's Budgets have been characterised not only
by an unwillingness to raise more taxes, but also by a subsequent
inability to reach the levels projected in the Budget in terms of actual
tax receipts. Indeed, the failure of revenues to reach the Budget targets
has been a significant feature of Yashwant Sinha's Budgets as well. This
year promises to be no exception, if current trends are accurate
indicators. In the first eight months of the year, tax revenues were well
below expectation, and even lower than for the corresponding period in the
previous year, which was finally marked by a very substantial shortfall
over the whole year. Of course, data just released by the Ministry of
Finance do suggest that there has been some increase in tax receipts in
December, which would cause the picture to be less gloomy.
Chart 1 shows the
picture for various types of tax receipts over April-December 1998 and
1999 respectively. The month of December alone experienced a 28 per cent
increase in total tax collections over December 1998, and this has
contributed to a very respectable increase of 17 per cent over the entire
period April-December 1999 over the same months of the previous year.
As Chart 1 shows, this
increase has been spread across the various categories. Indirect taxes
show the highest rate of increase, but it should be noted, however, that
much of the increase in indirect taxes has come about simply because of
the rise in international oil prices, which has allowed for higher duty
payments at a given ad valorem rate.
However, even corporate
taxes, which had hitherto been rather flat, have increased by 13 per cent.
Predictably, this news has been hailed by official spokespersons as being
positive on two levels : first, because it suggests that industrial
recovery is now under way; and second, because more revenue intake
presumably implies a lower fiscal deficit, which is currently seen as
unambiguously good in official circles.
But even though the
current level of tax receipts represents a substantial improvement over
last year's performance over these months, it is still much short of the
Budget projections. The latest data available from the office of the
Controller General of Accounts, which is the final authority on Indian
fiscal information, covers only the period to November 1999. But this
suggests that the gap between projected and actual receipts in the current
year is still at least as large as it was last year, when a major
shortfall was ultimately the result.
Chart 2 displays the
revenue receipts of the Central Government over April-November 1999,
relative to the Budget estimates. Especially for net tax revenue, in the
first eight months of the financial year, receipts were less than half of
the Budget expectation. In Chart 3 the per cent of actual receipts to
Budget estimates is shown for the period April-November for the current
and previous fiscal years. It is clear that even in comparison to a
famously "bad" year in terms of failure to meet tax revenue targets, the
first eight months of the current year have been no better.
The recovery in
December 1999 is likely to make this picture only slightly better overall.
This is because December is in any case typically a month in which tax
collections pick up, and even in 1998-99 there was an increase especially
in this month. This is evident from Chart 4 which shows the monthly
pattern of tax collection.
The inability of the government to manage to receive the taxes
that it has planned on receiving has to do as much with false expectations
as with the political lack of determination to enforce tax payment and
punish tax evasion. The Budget estimates themselves were substantially
based on assumptions of tax buoyancy which were not justified and have not
been realised.
One of the more
prominent fiscal myths of our time is the idea that lower tax rates
necessarily encourage better compliance. It should be obvious that this is
so only when the costs of non-compliance are high, or at the very least
non-negligible. However, if it is possible to evade taxes on certain
portions of income completely with relatively low risk of any penalty,
then it is difficult to see how paying taxes even at a lower rate becomes
more attractive. And since there have been no really serious and plausible
efforts at better enforcement, it is not surprising that tax revenues
themselves have not shown the expected buoyancy.
But even so, this discrepancy between Budgeted and actual tax
outcomes obviously reflects more than mere ineptitude or lack of political
will on the part of the government, although these are of course
important. Low tax receipts are a typical feature of recessionary economic
situations, and it is usually the case when the economy is experiencing a
lower level of economic activity than expected, that tax collections will
fall below target. In such situations, along with more serious effort at
tax compliance, the effort should be to direct policy towards alleviating
the recession, so that tax collections similarly can increase.
Instead, the government seems to have been far more focused on the problem
of containing a fiscal deficit which threatens to balloon because of
inadequate revenues generated so far. "Fiscal discipline", such as it is,
seems to be entirely confined to certain parts of the Expenditure side of
the Budget. Therefore, the government has been much more concerned with
reducing its own expenditures, including its more productive ones.
One of the
remarkable - and more depressing - features of the fiscal experience of
the previous year was the extent of shortfall in various types of crucial
plan expenditure by the Central Government. The gap between planned and
actual spending was especially large in major areas like agriculture and
rural development, power, transport and other infrastructure. This pattern
seems about to be repeated in the current fiscal year as well.
As shown in Chart 5,
there remains a large gap between actual spending so far and the Budget
provisions. After two-thirds of the financial year was over, only just
over half the budgeted amount had been spent in most areas. The smallest
gaps, perhaps predictably, were in interest payments and non-plan revenue
expenditure - that is, precisely the areas which are least effective or
important from the point of view of growth and development potential.
Despite this excessive
zeal on the part of the government to curtail its own expenditure,
including such expenditure as has a direct bearing on future growth and
current welfare of the citizens, the deficits which it is apparently bent
on curbing show no signs of being controlled. Chart 6 plots the various
deficits already achieved, as well as the Budget projections.
The fiscal deficit had
already exceeded 80 per cent of its overall annual target by November
1999, while the revenue deficit had reached 84 per cent of the Budget
projection. The starkest discrepancy is evident for the primary deficit
(that is, minus interest payments) which was expected to be negative (that
is, the primary budgetary account was meant to be in surplus) to the tune
of around Rs. 8,000 crore. Instead, it is already in deficit of almost Rs.
15,000 crore.
This excess of actual
deficits in relation to Budget targets is even higher than for the
corresponding period in the previous year, as Chart 7 suggests. The
previous year was notable for the extent to which the deficits increased
out of all proportion to the Budget estimates, but the data so far
indicate that this record may even be exceeded in the current year.
What is even more striking is how the Central Government has
chosen to finance these deficits so far. The entire deficit has
effectively been financed by market borrowings, which as a result are way
in excess of the planned total for the whole of the financial year
already. As Chart 8 shows, the extent of market borrowings only in the
first eight months of the financial year, at more than Rs. 67,000 crore
was much above the projected total for the entire year. Clearly, this is
one target that will definitely overshoot, unlike the targets for much
needed plan and capital expenditure !
And this particular
overshooting, which results on excessive dependence upon market borrowings
alone to finance the deficit, in turn has an effect on future government
deficits. The current year's experience provides more than enough
indication of this. The Budget estimates have already projected interest
payments of the central Government to amount to Rs. 88,000 crore over the
entire year, that is 31 per cent of total expenditure or 37 per cent of
revenue expenditure, which is an extremely high proportion. As the current
year's fiscal deficit continues to be financed by market borrowings, it
puts further pressure on future interest payments and adds to the
unproductive part of government expenditure substantially.
We thus have a
situation of extreme fiscal mismanagement, in which the inability to
generate tax revenues has been accompanied by a curbing of government
expenditure in necessary areas, and nevertheless the larger than
anticipated fiscal deficit is being financed by expensive market
borrowings which will inevitably put great pressure on the public fisc in
future.
The real question,
however, is not how high the deficits will be, but whether the amount of
the deficits is all that should concern us. The current obsession only
with the extent of the fiscal deficit, which characterises not only the
Finance Ministry but also much of the financial press, completely misses
the point of why government deficits are seen to be significant or
problematic in the first place. For this reason, it also fails to realise
that there are conditions under which more government expenditure or
larger deficits can actually be positive for economic activity, growth and
material living standards, and that these conditions are likely to be met
at present. In the accompanying article, we consider this issue in more
detail.
Fiscal deficits and economic activity
When faced with
domestic economic recession, the standard response of governments for much
of the postwar period was to increase expenditure and allow for a more
expansionary fiscal stance. The Keynesian reasoning behind such an
approach is straightforward enough : when there is unutilised capacity and
unemployment in an economy, any increased expenditure creates additional
demand in excess of the initial expenditure through multiplier effects,
and thereby increases economic activity. This not only reduces or
transforms a recession into growth, but also in turn contributes to
increased tax revenues, so that the eventual deficit need not be as large
as the initial expenditure.
The macro-management of
capitalist economies based on this premise became increasingly limited not
only because of the inflationary barrier which constrained the use of
Keynesian-style policies. With the rise of finance in developed capitalist
economies, government deficits were seen as inherently negative, either
because they were seen as inflationary or because they were seen
inevitably to "crowd out" private investment by drawing upon the available
pool of savings, raising interest rates, etc.
Of course, this
supposition too is flawed, implicitly dependent upon the assumption of
full employment of resources which is hardly ever justifiable.
Nevertheless it has achieved the status of dogma in much mainstream
thinking. As a result, the need to restrain the fiscal deficit is seen as
axiomatic not only by the IMF but also by governments anxious to attract
private capital, and financiers generally.
But there are at least
two very common situations in which fiscal deficits are not only
justifiable but may even be necessary for a desired level of economic
activity or a desired pattern of economic growth. The first is when there
is unemployment/excess capacity in the economy, or it is undergoing a
recession, in which a stimulus is required for economic activity in the
manner described above.
The second relates to
the pattern of the expenditure which constitutes the fiscal deficit. If
this is in the area of productive capital expenditure which is necessary
for future growth, then clearly any investment which contributes to
increased output in future has a positive role. The basic rule of thumb
here is that the expected social returns from such investment (not
necessarily just the financial returns) should be higher than the
prevailing rate of interest.
These are such basic
and obvious ideas that it is difficult to realise how seldom they are
expressed, even in the current Indian conjuncture where both such
conditions hold. Thus, despite the presence of substantial unutilised
capacity, large stocks of foodgrain currently in the public domain, and
falling rates of crucial public investment in infrastructure and other
important areas, the most common argument is that the government "does not
have the money" to undertake the necessary expenditures. It is even more
common to come across the perception that the most important problem in
the economy today is the need to contain the fiscal deficit, even at the
cost of lower growth and reduced public investment.
The consequence of such
a view is twofold. First, it restricts the ability of the government to
ensure a higher level of economic activity than we are currently
witnessing, and to ensure a more definitive recovery from the recession.
Second, and perhaps more important, it means that the government does not
undertake important expenditures which impact directly on the welfare of
most of the people because of the bogey of the large fiscal deficit.
The major negative
effects of this are felt not only in physical infrastructure such as
energy and transport, where private sector activity is simply inadequate
for social requirement, but also in health and education which depend
critically upon public expenditure. Similarly it prevents the expansion of
rural public works programmes and other rural development schemes which
could both raise employment generation and improve the availability of
rural infrastructure. The important point here is that the obsession with
containing the fiscal deficit primarily caters to finance - both domestic
and international - which objects to such deficits and more generally to
government expenditure. In doing so, it neglects the material interests of
the large bulk of people in the country, who are adversely affected by the
cuts in expenditure which are self-imposed by the government. The
distributional effects of this process cannot be ignored for too long.
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